Copyright: Eric S. Margolis, 2002
June 13, 2002
RHODES, GREECE: The bastioned triple walls and deep dry moats that gird this magnificent fortress city bear martial witness to the long struggle between Europe and the Muslim World. In 1522, the epic resistance here of 650 knights of St. John and 1200 soldiers against a besieging army of 100,000 Turks is one of history's most glorious battles.
Even today, no one would call Greeks and Turks friends: in 1996, they almost went to war over a barren islet in the Aegean. But in recent years once poisonous relations have improved to the point of frequent civility and occasional cooperation.
Nevertheless, tensions between these two old foes are never far below the surface. Last week, Turkish fighters scrambled to intercept Greek warplanes over the Aegean, and the ever contentious issue of divided Cyprus caused tempers to flare.
Greeks and Turks have been at scimitar's drawn for over a thousand years, a millennium before "recent' feuds between Indians and Pakistanis, or Arabs and Israelis. Greeks have never completely accepted the Turkish conquest of Ionian Asia Minor and (Istanbul) Constantinople, two cradles of Hellenic civilization since early history. Greek children are still raised on lurid tales of Ottoman atrocities from the 1820's war of independence, but rarely informed about atrocities committed by Greeks and their Balkan allies against Turks and other Muslims.
Past Greek governments have too often beaten the war drums against Turkey to distract voters from financial scandals and economic woes. Today, however, a new maturity is creeping into Greece's view of its much larger neighbor.
Many Turks stereotype Greeks as bitter, wily enemies intent on sabotaging Turkey's attempts to join Europe and undermining Turkish rights in the Aegean and Cyprus. In recent months, the tough generals who run Turkey behind a tattered facade of parliamentary government have grown angry and menacing as the European Union increasingly supports the Greek view over the divided island of Cyprus.
Late this fall, the EU will make a key decision over Cyprus, which is due to be admitted to the union by 2004. The side that has been most cooperative in finding a solution will be favored. As of now, the EU strongly backs the Greek Cypriots and their leader, Glafcos Clerides. The Turkish Cypriots and their patron, Turkey, are regarded as obstructionist and uncooperative.
If the EU determines the Greek Cypriot government has been most constructive, it will go ahead with admission of a Greek-run Cyprus and ignore protests by the Turkish minority that it must be treated as an equal partner with the Greeks. Turkish Cypriot leader Rauf Denktash, underlined this point in an interview with me, insisting he would never accept being a junior partner in a Greek-dominated government. Thirty thousand Turkish troops-reinforced this week by a new brigade - are backing him up.
Turkey refused to budge on the issue of the right of return of Greek Cypriots driven from their homes in the northern part of the island when Turkey invaded after Greeks began killing Turkish Cypriots. Turkey, like its increasingly close ally, Israel, denies the refugees they created have any right to former homes and lands and , like Israel, is moving settlers into `expropriated` - polite for stolen - properties.
Europe, which has never been friendly to Turkey, is showing little patience with the Turkish view over Cyprus. If the EU admits a Greek-run Cyprus into the union, Turkey threatens to annex northern Cyprus. The Cypriot government could then turn to the EU and demand it impose trade and financial sanctions on Turkey as an illegal occupier of northern Cyprus. Turkey's hopes of becoming a full EU member would be dashed. The Turks face a no-win situation over Cyprus.
Turkish Northern Cyprus is deeply depressed economically and would greatly prosper from joining the EU, as will industrious Greek Cypriots whose side of the island is booming. But Turkish pride and distrust of the Greeks prevents Ankara and its Cypriot orphan mini-state from agreeing to a minority role, however protected, within a majority Greek state.
Turkish reservations are understandable given the violent history of the past 50 years, marked by communal violence and Greek animosity towards Turks. This is too bad: admission of Turkish Cypriots into the EU might well ease the way for later admission of Turkey, or at least lessen Europe's growing racist fears of being flooded by Muslims from the east.
Turkey badly needs Europe's help to rebuild its rickety finances and provide new markets for Turkish industry and agriculture. So urge Turkey's diplomats and politicians, but the generals in Ankara, who consider themselves guardians of the nation, will not back down over Cyprus and are convinced the Greeks are in cahoots with Muslim-hating Europeans to get control of the oil and mineral wealth believed to lie under the Aegean Sea.
All this is a pity because the Greek and Turkish Eastern Mediterranean is one of the world's most delightful places. The make-tourism - not war Italians, who occupied Rhodes from 1912 until after World War II, had the right idea.
They planned to transform Rhodes into a second Capri.